Global Research, December 17, 2007
Year end is a good time to look back and reflect on what’s ahead. If past is prologue, however, the outlook isn’t good, and nothing on the horizon suggests otherwise. Voters last November wanted change but got betrayal from the bipartisan criminal class in Washington. Their attitude shows in an October Reuters/Zogby (RZ) opinion poll with George Bush at 24% that tops Richard Nixon’s worst showing of 25% at his lowest 1974 Watergate point. And if that looks bad, consider Congress with “The Hill” reporting from the same RZ Index that our legislators scored a “staggering 11%, the lowest (congressional) rating in history,” but there’s room yet to hit bottom and a year left to do it. Why not with lawmakers’ consistent voter sellout and failure record that keeps getting worse.
It’s been that way ever since 9/11 with both sides of the aisle complicit with the administration. This article looks back at the record, and year end is a good time to review it. It’s hard imagining another as bad with a President defiling the law and once telling Republican colleagues the Constitution is
“just a goddamned piece of paper.”
He didn’t just say it. He governs by it, gets away with it, and former Defense Department analyst Daniel Ellsberg, of Pentagon Papers fame, says
“a coup has occurred (with another to come from) the next 9/11….that completes the first (that’s) seen a steady assault on every fundamental (aspect) of our Constitution (to create) an executive government (to) rule by decree”
no different from a police state.
Author Naomi Wolf spells it out in her April, 2007 Guardian article - “Fascist America, In 10 Easy Steps.” In it, she argues the Bush administration is following the same script any “would-be dictator must take to destroy constitutional freedoms,”
and she lists them.
They range from “invoking a terrifying internal and external enemy” to “creat(ing) a gulag” to spying on everyone to harassing opposition to controlling the media to calling dissent treason to “suspend(ing) the rule of law.” She also notes how much “simpler” it is to shut down democracy than “to create and sustain” it, and that’s today’s threat.
It’s not with jackboots in the streets but by a steady “process of erosion” with the public largely unaware and distracted by media mind manipulators. It’s happening today, and Wolf sounds the alarm with the words of James Madison saying “The accumulation of all powers, legislative, executive, and judiciary, in the same hands….is the definition of tyranny,”
and that’s the condition now in America.
This article reviews the record for the past seven years. It’s not pretty.
Even the Archbishop of Canterbury, Rowan Williams, (unlike every Pope in memory) condemned it in a wide-ranging UK Muslim magazine interview. It was quoted in a November 25 Sunday Times column headlined “US is ‘worst’ imperialist” and wields its power more reprehensibly than Britain ever did in its heyday. He explained that American overseas adventurism led to “the worst of all worlds” and expressed pessimism about the current state of western civilization and Washington’s own misguided sense of mission.
He critiqued the “war on terror” and stated America lost the moral high ground post-9/11 and needs to launch a “generous and intelligent programme of aid to the (nations it) ravaged;….check (its) economic exploitation of defeated territories” and demilitarize them. He called the West fundamentally adrift and our “definition of humanity (isn’t) working.” He denounced America’s violence and belief it can solve problems left for “other people (to clean up and) put….back together – Iraq, for example.” Another is the condition at home.
Since taking office in January, 2001, George Bush signed a blizzard of Executive Orders and attached dozens of “signing statements” to hundreds of law provisions even though nothing in the Constitution allows this practice, and the Supreme Court banned line-item vetos. He continues to do it while Congress and the courts condone his claiming unconstitutional “unitary executive” authority to ignore the law and do as he pleases in the name of “national security” on his say alone.
It began on 9/11 when George Bush addressed the nation and declared a “war on terrorism,” asked for world support to win it, and began what became “our government’s emergency (preventive war strategy) response plans.” The scheme was to ignore the law, go to war, and destroy our civil liberties to keep us safe from “rogue states, ‘bad guys,’ and evil-doers” throughout an “arc of instability” from the South American Andean region (mainly Colombia) to North Africa through the Middle East to the Philippines, Indonesia and elsewhere in Asia. Congress as well acted right out of the box with two audacious resolutions that surrendered its authority to the executive, allowed him to proceed, and signaled what would come.
The first one came September 18, 2001 in a joint “House-Senate Authorization for Use of Military Force (AUMF)” that authorized “the use of United States Armed Forces against those responsible for the recent attacks launched against the United States.” A second followed in the October, 2002 “Joint Resolution to Authorize the Use of the United States Armed Forces Against Iraq,” and the rest is history. This article reviews other key congressional legislation to the present along with George Bush’s blatant abuse of presidential power.
His first action came November 13, 2001 when he issued Military Order Number 1 that one analyst called a “coup d’etat,” and “watershed moment in (the) country,” that was a hint of what would follow. This order violated the spirit and letter of a civil society under constitutional law with a firewall separating it from the military. No longer, and it got worse later on when its provisions resurfaced by act of Congress. That’s discussed below. First, Military Order Number 1 and what’s in it:
it let the President usurp authority to capture, kidnap or otherwise arrest any non-citizens (and later citizens as well) anywhere in the world if he claims they’re involved in international terrorism and to hold them indefinitely without charge, evidence or allowing them due process in a court of law.
however, IF trials are allowed, they would be by special ad hoc “military commissions,” not civil courts and in secret, with evidence obtained by torture allowed, those found guilty given no right of appeal, and they can be secretly executed.
no civil court has authority in these cases even if victims are identified and legal counsel wishes to represent them.
Few knew then that on November 13, 2001 US citizens lost their civil liberties, but that would come out later on. It’s still ongoing with Congress and the courts complicit in the willful destruction of our democracy that was already on life support.
Today, it’s gone.
Use of National Security ((NSPDs) and Homeland Security Presidential Directives (HSPDs)
In the Bush administration, NSPDs replaced the Presidential Decision and Review Directives under Bill Clinton and others under different names since the Kennedy administration began the practice. Earlier ones remain in force unless superseded. They’re much like Executive Orders (EOs) with the “full force and effect of law,” relate to national security, and for that reason remain classified unless or until made public. In seven years, George Bush issued dozens of NSPD’s that are too many to review as well as over 20 Homeland Security Presidential Directives (HSPDs). A few key ones are discussed below.
The October 25, 2001 NSPD-9 deserves special note and was titled “Defeating the Terrorist Threat to the United States.” On March 23, 2004, Donald Rumsfeld gave this explanation of its classified contents to the 9/11 Commission:
“To eliminate the Al Queda network;
To use all elements of national power to do so — diplomatic, military, economic, intelligence, information and law enforcement;
To eliminate sanctuaries for Al Queda and related terrorist networks — and if diplomatic efforts to do so failed, to consider additional measures.”
On April 1, 2004, the White House released this statement on the directive:
The NSPD called on the Secretary of Defense to plan for military options “against Taliban targets in Afghanistan, including leadership, command-control, air and air defense, ground forces, and logistics (along with similar efforts) against Al Queda and associated terrorist facilities in Afghanistan.”
Here’s the problem;
The administration adopted these measures on September 4, 2001, seven days before 9/11. George Bush then signed them into binding law in NSPD-9 on October 25, 2001 to conceal when they originated.
Other important NSPDs relate to:
combatting WMDs;
developing and deploying an anti-ballistic missile defense that’s for offense, not defense;
biodefense;
deploying nuclear weapons and domestic nuclear detection;
the Iraq war;
a national space policy as part of the goal for “full spectrum dominance” over all land, surface and sub-surface sea, air, space, electromagnetic spectrum and information systems to deter any domestic or foreign threat or challenge to our global hegemony; and,
There’s one other crucially important combined NSPD-HSPD:
NSPD-51/HSPD-20 on April 4, 2007 – National Security and Homeland Security Presidential Directive
This is a combined directive from the White House and Department of Homeland Security (DHS) to establish “Continuity of Government (COG)” procedures under a “Castastrophic Emergency” defined as follows:
“any incident (such as a terrorist attack), regardless of location, that results in extraordinary levels of mass casualties, damage, or disruption severely affecting the US population, infrastructure, environment, economy, or government functions.”
COG is then defined as:
”a coordinated effort within the Federal Government’s executive branch to ensure that National Essential Functions continue to be performed during a Catastrophic Emergency.”
Crucial to understand is that this combined directive gives the President and DHS unprecendented powers free from constitutional constraints. Under NSPD-51, the President can declare a “national emergency” and declare martial law without congressional approval. It allows him to create a de facto militarized police state with him as dictator and DHS as a national Gestapo to an even greater degree than it is already. It also empowers the Vice-President to implement the directives’ provisions as part of the “Continuity of Government” plan that in the case of Dick Cheney gives him even more power than George Bush the way this administration operates. This combined directive alone is the face of “police state America” in real time if it’s implemented, and it wasn’t likely enacted as window dressing. But there’s lots more besides.
Other HSPDs relate to:
combatting “immigrant terrorism;”
a national response plan to domestic incidents;
critical infrastructure identification, prioritization, and protection;
national preparedness;
comprehensive terrorist-related screening procedures;
domestic nuclear detection; and others.
Congressional Legislation After 9/11
Post-9/11, Congress acted in lockstep with the President and continues to pass laws any despot would love. Written, on the shelf, and ready to go long before 9/11, the USA Patriot Act was passed and signed by the president 45 days later on October 26, 2001. The legislative process capitalized on a window of hysteria to grant unchecked powers to the executive but created three grave civil liberties threats in the process:
the erosion of Fifth and Fourteen Amendment due process rights by permitting indefinite detentions of undocumented immigrants that can now apply to anyone anywhere in the world; more on that below;
the First Amendment loss of freedom of association that the Supreme Court considers an essential part of free expression; now anyone may be charged and prosecuted because of his or her claimed association with an “undesirable group;” and
loss of the Fourth Amendment right to be free from unreasonable searches and seizures, and as a consequence, the loss of privacy; the Act grants the administration unchecked surveillance powers to access personal records; monitor financial transactions; student records; conduct “sneak and peak” searches through “delayed notice” warrants; authorize roving wiretaps; track emails, internet and cell phone use; use secret evidence in prosecutions; deny immigrants the right to counsel if they’re unable to get their own; and ends built-in safeguards to let domestic criminal and foreign intelligence operations share information so CIA can now spy domestically.
The Act also creates the federal crime of “domestic terrorism” that broadens the definition and applies to US citizens as well as aliens. It states criminal law violations are considered domestic terrorist acts if they aim to “influence (government policy) by intimidation or coercion (or) intimidate or coerce a civilian population.” By this definition, anti-war or global justice demonstrations, environmental activism, civil disobedience and dissent of any kind may be called “domestic terrorism.” The Patriot Act was just for starters. Much more was ahead with a bipartisan Congress acting like a gift that keeps on giving and the President loving it.
The Homeland Security Act (HSA) of November 25, 2002 followed as a sweeping new anti-terrorism bill, and like the Patriot Act, was planned long before 9/11. It created the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) by combining previously separate government agencies under this new authority to prepare for, prevent and respond to domestic emergencies and give the federal government broad new powers to protect the nation within and outside our borders. In March, 2003, its largest investigative and enforcement arm was then established – the US Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency (ICE). It was charged with protecting public safety by identifying and targeting “criminal” and “terrorist” threats to the country who in most cases are NAFTA and globalized trade victims here out of need, not choice, and who aren’t terrorists.
DHS is part of the administration’s plan to centralize unprecedented military and law enforcement power in the executive branch that aims for greater global dominance - to rule the world unchallenged including repressively at home by suppressing civil liberties in the name of “national security.” DHS and USA Patriot Act are two frightening measures to do it.
DHS is insidious. It encroaches on local authority by “mandat(ing) federal supervision, funding, and coordination of ‘local first responders.’ “ This refers to police and “emergency personnel” comprising local law enforcement.
The Homeland Security Act (HSA) doesn’t mandate local control. Instead, it provides coordination and guidance as a first step measure with more to come. That’s why US Northern Command (USNORTHCOM) was established in October, 2002 as an unprecedented move to militarize the mainland plus Alaska, Canada, Mexico, Gulf of Mexico and Straits of Florida and, for the first time ever, allow troops to be deployed on US streets to counter drugs, an “insurrection” loosely defined, and combat crimes with nuclear, chemical or biological weapons.
In other words, the President may now deploy military forces on US streets in the interest of “national security.” This power is unprecedented and dangerous.
So is another affecting everyone. It’s largely below the radar since it was was scheduled to be fully operational in late September, 2006. It’s the Pentagon’s New Offensive Strike Plan called the Joint Functional Component Command for Global Strike and Integration - or simply Global Strike Command. It grew out of the 2002 Nuclear Posture Review (NPR) that was updated more belligerently in early 2006.
NPR is a declaration of preventive war on any nation, group or force anywhere on earth the administration calls a “national security” threat and could be used by NORTHCOM against US-based targets along with a HSA crackdown if martial law is declared.
HSA goes further still by creating a sweeping domestic intelligence agency called the Directorate of Information Analysis and Infrastructure Protection. It’s to create and maintain an all-inclusive intrusive public and private information data base on everyone. It can include virtually everything – financial transactions and records, medical ones, emails, phone calls, purchases, books and publications read, organization memberships, and any other personal habit or pattern.
USA Patriot Act and HSA end the distinction between foreign and domestic intelligence gathering and, up to now, the sacrosanct firewall between them. They also no longer allow “critical infrastructure information” from a federal agency to be disclosed through a FOIA request as part of an official policy of secrecy characteristic of police states. There’s much more in both Acts as well that’s frightening, dangerous and unknown to the public. In sum, they end constitutional protections whenever the executive suspends the law in the name of “national security.” That’s how “police state America” works that’s hidden from public view.
The Detainee Treatment Act of 2005
Torture is official state policy for the Bush administration as its preferred means of intimidation, retribution and social control. The McCain Detainee (anti-torture) Amendment in October, 2005 was a futile effort to deter it. It was passed and weakened by the Graham-Levin Amendment, became the Detainee Treatment Act of 2005, and was attached to the 2006 Defense Department’s Appropriations Act. George Bush signed the legislation after which he gutted its provisions relating to detainees in one of his notorious “signing statements.” Its language gave himself the right (irrespective of the law) to “protect the American people from further terrorist attacks” using all his self-given powers as a “unitary executive” that places him above the law, Congress, the courts, the people, and world public opinion.
The legislation’s final form went further as well. It denied detainees habeas rights, let US forces use any cruel, abusive, inhumane or degrading treatment in the interests of “national security,” prohibited detainees from bringing suits as a result, and allowed statements gotten coercively to be used as evidence against them. It also followed previous policies as far back as September 17, 2001 when George Bush signed a secret “finding” authorizing CIA to kill, capture and detain “Al Qaeda” members anywhere in the world, rendition them to black site torture-prisons for interrogation, and obtain it by any means. From then to now, torture and abuse of anyone have been standard operating procedures for the Bush administration with complicity from Congress and the courts.
Other Repressive Legislation and More
The 107th, 108th, 109th and 110th Congresses will be remembered for likely having done more than all others before them to defile the rule of law and our constitutional protections.
They conspired with a rogue administration, wrecked the republic, and for the 109th Congress, October 17, 2006 stands out shamelessly as a day that will live in infamy.
The Military Commissions Act
In a White House ceremony, George Bush signed the Military Commissions Act (MCA) now known as “the torture authorization act,” but it’s more far-reaching than that. It grants the administration extraordinary unconstitutional powers to detain, interrogate and prosecute alleged terror suspects and anyone claimed to be their supporters. It also lets the President call anyone anywhere in the world an “unlawful enemy combatant” and empowers him to arrest and incarcerate those accused indefinitely in military prisons without needing corroborating evidence proving guilt. The law states for persons detained that “no court, justice, or judge shall have jurisdiction to hear or consider any claim or cause for action whatsoever…. relating to the prosecution, trial, or judgment of a military commission….including challenges to the lawfulness of procedures of military commissions.”
MCA further scraps habeas protection (dating back to 1215 in the Magna Carta) for domestic and foreign enemies of the state, citizens and non-citizens alike, and says “Any person is punishable… who….aids, abets, counsels, commands, or procures” and in so doing helps a foreign enemy, provides “material support” to alleged terrorist groups, engages in spying, or commits other offenses previously handled in civil courts.
Other key elements of the act include:
legalizing torture against anyone and lets the President decide what procedures can be used on his own authority;
denying detainees international law protection and lets the executive interpret it;
empowering the President to convene “military commissions” to try anyone he designates an “unlawful enemy combatant,” and hold them in secret detention indefinitely;
denying speedy trials or any at all;
allowing evidence obtained by torture or coerced testimony to be used against detainees in trial proceedings;
permitting hearsay and secret evidence to be used; and
denying due process, destroying human dignity, mocking the rule of law, and establishing the principle of kangaroo court justice for anyone the executive targets.
Revising the 1807 Insurrection Act and Ending 1878 Posse Comitatus Protection
Also on October 17, 2006, the president privately signed into law a hidden provision in Sections 1076 and 333 of the John Warner National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2007. It amended the Insurrection Act of 1807 and Posse Comitatus Act of 1878 that prohibit using federal and National Guard troops for law enforcement inside the country except as constitutionally allowed or expressly authorized by Congress in times of a national emergency like an insurrection.
The executive can now claim a public emergency, effectively declare martial law, suspend the Constitution for “national security,” and deploy federal and National Guard troops on the nation’s streets to suppress whatever he calls
disorder.
That means First Amendment-guaranteed peaceful public demonstrations and all organized acts of dissent are no longer constitutionally protected. Neither is the republic in “police state America.”
The new law also authorizes the Pentagon to transfer state-of-the-art crowd control weapons and technology to state and local responders. It’s to militarize them and blur the distinction between federal and local law enforcement agencies as an operational police state tactic.
